WASHINGTON (Reuters) - President Barack Obama is delaying his trip to Indonesia and Australia next week to stay home and focus on his final push for a healthcare overhaul, White House officials said on Friday. Obama, who had been scheduled to leave on March 18 on his first overseas travel of the year, plans to depart instead on March 21, the officials said.
The decision to delay the trip comes as Obama presses his fellow Democrats for a quick final vote on healthcare reform, which has ignited a long-running political brawl with Republican opponents and consumed Congress for the past nine months.
Congressional leaders, who have repeatedly missed deadlines for finishing the overhaul, had resisted the White House target of completing work before Obama's originally planned departure overseas next Thursday.
"The president will delay leaving for Indonesia and Australia - will now leave Sunday," White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said in a message on twitter.com.
He said first lady Michelle Obama and their two daughters, who had been due to accompany the president, "will not be on the trip."
Obama now intends to return to Washington on March 26 instead of his original plan for March 24, officials said.
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Friday, March 12, 2010
Monday, March 8, 2010
Obama's Health Care Pitch to Democrats: Trust Me
WASHINGTON (AP) --
In private pitches to Democrats, President Barack Obama says he will persuade Congress to pass his health care overhaul even if it kills him and even if he has to ask deeply distrustful lawmakers to trust him on a promise the White House doesn't have the power to keep.
That, in a sometimes darkly joking way, is what the president is telling Democratic House members as he begins an all-out push to coax Congress into passing his proposals despite voters' misgivings and Republicans' dire warnings.
''He made the case, 'Listen, we put in a very hard year working on health care reform and the time for action is now,''' said Rep. Ron Kind, D-Wis., one of several Democrats who met with Obama at the White House on Thursday.
Obama joked that the political battle has contributed to the recent rise in his cholesterol, Kind said, and the president noted how ironic it would be if health care drove him to his grave.
In private pitches to Democrats, President Barack Obama says he will persuade Congress to pass his health care overhaul even if it kills him and even if he has to ask deeply distrustful lawmakers to trust him on a promise the White House doesn't have the power to keep.
That, in a sometimes darkly joking way, is what the president is telling Democratic House members as he begins an all-out push to coax Congress into passing his proposals despite voters' misgivings and Republicans' dire warnings.
''He made the case, 'Listen, we put in a very hard year working on health care reform and the time for action is now,''' said Rep. Ron Kind, D-Wis., one of several Democrats who met with Obama at the White House on Thursday.
Obama joked that the political battle has contributed to the recent rise in his cholesterol, Kind said, and the president noted how ironic it would be if health care drove him to his grave.
Thursday, March 4, 2010
Unwelcome Spotlight Falls on Obama Chief of Staff
The Associated Press reports - No-drama Obama was bound to get fireworks when he chose the expletive-spewing, hotheaded, never-at-rest Rahm Emanuel to be his White House chief of staff. The only questions were when -- and how big.
The answers are now -- and pretty large, by inside-the-Beltway standards, anyway.
And they're happening at a particularly unpleasant time in Barack Obama's presidency, which is struggling with problems in terrorist policy, health care reform and other matters that have the president in political hot water and down in the polls.
The strange, only-in-Washington story began unfolding about two weeks ago when a column in The Washington Post asserted that Obama's ''first year fell apart in large part because he didn't follow his chief of staff's advice on crucial matters.''
The piece advised a 180-degree turn from the recent trend of blaming Emanuel for Obama's woes and of calling for the former congressman from Illinois to go. Instead, it said, blame others in Obama's orbit who are too ''in love with the president'' to advise him wisely on such things as health care strategy, the closing of the U.S. military prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and how and where to try accused Sept. 11 terrorists. Blame Obama himself for not listening more to Emanuel, columnist Dana Milbank wrote.
Then this week came another Post story saying basically the same thing, based largely on interviews with Democrats on Capitol Hill. This was harder for the White House to shrug off, because it was not an opinion piece but in the news section -- on the front page, no less.
Suddenly, the Obama White House had to deal with a narrative that some (though it's still unclear who) think Obama's chief of staff is smarter than the president, an awkward development in Washington's deeply ingrained tradition of aides staying behind the scenes and not upstaging the boss.
At the least, it creates an embarrassment and a distraction at a perilous time. And it belies Obama's own prized no-drama culture, where neither dirty laundry nor disagreements are aired and theatrics aren't tolerated. At worst, it sets in motion a dynamic that could lead to shakeups and further doubts about Obama's leadership.
So some angst behind the scenes at the White House was no surprise.
Publicly, however, the White House stood firmly behind Emanuel. White House press secretary Robert Gibbs on Tuesday dismissed as ''parlor games'' the talk of a White House divided into camps or of Emanuel facing the prospect of being ousted.
''Knowing most of what goes on here, I don't subscribe to all of it or a lot of it,'' he said. ''He absolutely has the president's confidence.''
Several current and former White House aides said Emanuel, despite his often passionately delivered opinions, is, once a decision is made, among the most loyal and energetic about making it happen. The president was said to view the spate of stories with a long view, that he and his team would rise -- or fall -- together and that Emanuel is too valued to cut loose.
Emanuel has been open about harboring political ambitions beyond the White House, specifically to run for Chicago mayor. But Gibbs deemed it unlikely that the chief of staff is feeding the stories himself to protect his reputation from its recent battering, particularly from the Democratic Party's liberal wing, which feels abandoned by Obama on many issues.
''We all give advice to the president on a daily basis,'' Gibbs said. ''The president makes decisions and we move forward. When we move forward, nobody moves forward with more determination than the chief of staff.''
Some indications point to the stories being driven by Emanuel loyalists, becoming increasingly upset at the criticism aimed at him lately over Obama's sputtering agenda, say those inside and outside the White House. A large number of Democratic lawmakers, particularly centrists and conservatives, feel a huge debt to Emanuel from his days as chairman of the Democratic campaign committee in 2006, when he played an instrumental role in restoring his party to power after 12 years in the minority.
Many of those same Democrats now fear for their chances in November's midterm congressional elections. As is common at this stage in an election cycle, they are looking for more help from Obama and someone to blame if they lose.
And yet, there is no doubt that Emanuel's own pugnacious, loquacious style is to blame, at least indirectly if not more.
Emanuel is known as a fierce competitor, who strikes back -- hard -- when hit.
He also fairly openly shares where he stands on issues, and where that has differed with the president.
For instance, it's well-documented that Emanuel argued internally against trying accused Sept. 11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and four of his alleged henchmen in civilian court in New York. That decision, by Attorney General Eric Holder, invited a firestorm of criticism for Obama, has now been put on hold and may be reconsidered.
Back when the cool-tempered Obama first offered him the job, Emanuel surprised many by publicly and repeatedly sharing his reluctance to do so -- because it would require him to give up his goal of becoming House speaker and would cost him time with his wife and three children. Such admissions of doubt when a president comes calling, which Emanuel still talks about, are almost unheard of.
The man nicknamed ''Rahmbo'' has been no stranger to controversy, either. Recently, he apologized for using the word ''retarded'' to describe liberal activists whose tactics on health care he questioned.
Obama has not been shy about getting rid of aides; he doesn't employ loyalty just for the sake of it.
But Obama has welcomed disagreement within his staff and has shown he is willing to tolerate a lot to get the benefit of Emanuel's considerable legislative and political talents. So the word is that Emanuel isn't going anywhere. For one thing, he is regarded as essential to shepherd health care reform to a conclusion.
And that, said those close to the White House, is the way out of this mess.
If health care is passed, the bad stories and the finger-pointing stop and Obama moves on to other issues.
If health care fails, there will be more bad stories and finger-pointing -- common in times of trouble for any president. And they're likely to be not just about Emanuel, but others in the White House as well.
The answers are now -- and pretty large, by inside-the-Beltway standards, anyway.
And they're happening at a particularly unpleasant time in Barack Obama's presidency, which is struggling with problems in terrorist policy, health care reform and other matters that have the president in political hot water and down in the polls.
The strange, only-in-Washington story began unfolding about two weeks ago when a column in The Washington Post asserted that Obama's ''first year fell apart in large part because he didn't follow his chief of staff's advice on crucial matters.''
The piece advised a 180-degree turn from the recent trend of blaming Emanuel for Obama's woes and of calling for the former congressman from Illinois to go. Instead, it said, blame others in Obama's orbit who are too ''in love with the president'' to advise him wisely on such things as health care strategy, the closing of the U.S. military prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and how and where to try accused Sept. 11 terrorists. Blame Obama himself for not listening more to Emanuel, columnist Dana Milbank wrote.
Then this week came another Post story saying basically the same thing, based largely on interviews with Democrats on Capitol Hill. This was harder for the White House to shrug off, because it was not an opinion piece but in the news section -- on the front page, no less.
Suddenly, the Obama White House had to deal with a narrative that some (though it's still unclear who) think Obama's chief of staff is smarter than the president, an awkward development in Washington's deeply ingrained tradition of aides staying behind the scenes and not upstaging the boss.
At the least, it creates an embarrassment and a distraction at a perilous time. And it belies Obama's own prized no-drama culture, where neither dirty laundry nor disagreements are aired and theatrics aren't tolerated. At worst, it sets in motion a dynamic that could lead to shakeups and further doubts about Obama's leadership.
So some angst behind the scenes at the White House was no surprise.
Publicly, however, the White House stood firmly behind Emanuel. White House press secretary Robert Gibbs on Tuesday dismissed as ''parlor games'' the talk of a White House divided into camps or of Emanuel facing the prospect of being ousted.
''Knowing most of what goes on here, I don't subscribe to all of it or a lot of it,'' he said. ''He absolutely has the president's confidence.''
Several current and former White House aides said Emanuel, despite his often passionately delivered opinions, is, once a decision is made, among the most loyal and energetic about making it happen. The president was said to view the spate of stories with a long view, that he and his team would rise -- or fall -- together and that Emanuel is too valued to cut loose.
Emanuel has been open about harboring political ambitions beyond the White House, specifically to run for Chicago mayor. But Gibbs deemed it unlikely that the chief of staff is feeding the stories himself to protect his reputation from its recent battering, particularly from the Democratic Party's liberal wing, which feels abandoned by Obama on many issues.
''We all give advice to the president on a daily basis,'' Gibbs said. ''The president makes decisions and we move forward. When we move forward, nobody moves forward with more determination than the chief of staff.''
Some indications point to the stories being driven by Emanuel loyalists, becoming increasingly upset at the criticism aimed at him lately over Obama's sputtering agenda, say those inside and outside the White House. A large number of Democratic lawmakers, particularly centrists and conservatives, feel a huge debt to Emanuel from his days as chairman of the Democratic campaign committee in 2006, when he played an instrumental role in restoring his party to power after 12 years in the minority.
Many of those same Democrats now fear for their chances in November's midterm congressional elections. As is common at this stage in an election cycle, they are looking for more help from Obama and someone to blame if they lose.
And yet, there is no doubt that Emanuel's own pugnacious, loquacious style is to blame, at least indirectly if not more.
Emanuel is known as a fierce competitor, who strikes back -- hard -- when hit.
He also fairly openly shares where he stands on issues, and where that has differed with the president.
For instance, it's well-documented that Emanuel argued internally against trying accused Sept. 11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and four of his alleged henchmen in civilian court in New York. That decision, by Attorney General Eric Holder, invited a firestorm of criticism for Obama, has now been put on hold and may be reconsidered.
Back when the cool-tempered Obama first offered him the job, Emanuel surprised many by publicly and repeatedly sharing his reluctance to do so -- because it would require him to give up his goal of becoming House speaker and would cost him time with his wife and three children. Such admissions of doubt when a president comes calling, which Emanuel still talks about, are almost unheard of.
The man nicknamed ''Rahmbo'' has been no stranger to controversy, either. Recently, he apologized for using the word ''retarded'' to describe liberal activists whose tactics on health care he questioned.
Obama has not been shy about getting rid of aides; he doesn't employ loyalty just for the sake of it.
But Obama has welcomed disagreement within his staff and has shown he is willing to tolerate a lot to get the benefit of Emanuel's considerable legislative and political talents. So the word is that Emanuel isn't going anywhere. For one thing, he is regarded as essential to shepherd health care reform to a conclusion.
And that, said those close to the White House, is the way out of this mess.
If health care is passed, the bad stories and the finger-pointing stop and Obama moves on to other issues.
If health care fails, there will be more bad stories and finger-pointing -- common in times of trouble for any president. And they're likely to be not just about Emanuel, but others in the White House as well.
Monday, March 1, 2010
Snowmageddon Can Still Kill Health Care Reform
February 26, 2010, 1:51 pm
Washington’s “Snowmageddon” may have already passed. But the storm still has the power to kill Washington’s health care reform talks, perhaps for good.
Take a look at where the health care reform process is now. Despite high hopes, Thursday’s much anticipated summit meeting did not seem to move the needle much. And yet, even with cannons to the left of them and cannons to the right of them, Democratic leadership vowed to charge forward.
“If nothing comes of this we’re going to press forward,” The Times quoted Senator Richard J. Durbin of Illinois, the No. 2 Democrat, as saying. “We just can’t quit. This is a once-in-a-political-lifetime opportunity to deal with a health care system that is really unsustainable.”
The implication is that Democrats regard the impasse as an extension; health care reform is, after all, a long-term question, and not one that had to be resolved by Thursday, per se. But how long will this “once-in-a-political-lifetime opportunity” to address the long-term issue last?
My guess: The deadline is probably one week from today, when the February jobs report comes out.
That report will probably be very, very ugly. I have seen some forecasters project job losses as high as 100,000.
The main culprit behind the expected jobs plunge is the blizzard, which closed businesses and kept people from going to work or even seeking work for days and sometimes weeks. These work stoppages probably occurred precisely when the government was collecting data for its February jobs report.
The Labor Department is of course very aware that the blizzard will distort its numbers. In fact, labor officials will probably try to isolate the effects of the storm from all the other data so economists can get a better sense of what’s going on in the economy. Offcials did this after previous major weather events like the 1996 East Coast blizzard and Hurricane Katrina.
But even though everyone will know that “snowmageddon,” and not President Obama, is really at fault for the poor report, the headline number may still be shocking enough to sufficiently discredit economic policy of Democrats. And all other economic policy debates, including health care which will be set against this backdrop of the Democrats’ failed stewardship of the economy.
Worsening economic dysfunction, at least when it comes to Main Streeters, sends a powerful message to Americans who believe that Democrats want a “government takeover of 17 percent of the United States economy.”
After all, if you were a Republican hell-bent on derailing health care reform, that's what I'd do.
Washington’s “Snowmageddon” may have already passed. But the storm still has the power to kill Washington’s health care reform talks, perhaps for good.
Take a look at where the health care reform process is now. Despite high hopes, Thursday’s much anticipated summit meeting did not seem to move the needle much. And yet, even with cannons to the left of them and cannons to the right of them, Democratic leadership vowed to charge forward.
“If nothing comes of this we’re going to press forward,” The Times quoted Senator Richard J. Durbin of Illinois, the No. 2 Democrat, as saying. “We just can’t quit. This is a once-in-a-political-lifetime opportunity to deal with a health care system that is really unsustainable.”
The implication is that Democrats regard the impasse as an extension; health care reform is, after all, a long-term question, and not one that had to be resolved by Thursday, per se. But how long will this “once-in-a-political-lifetime opportunity” to address the long-term issue last?
My guess: The deadline is probably one week from today, when the February jobs report comes out.
That report will probably be very, very ugly. I have seen some forecasters project job losses as high as 100,000.
The main culprit behind the expected jobs plunge is the blizzard, which closed businesses and kept people from going to work or even seeking work for days and sometimes weeks. These work stoppages probably occurred precisely when the government was collecting data for its February jobs report.
The Labor Department is of course very aware that the blizzard will distort its numbers. In fact, labor officials will probably try to isolate the effects of the storm from all the other data so economists can get a better sense of what’s going on in the economy. Offcials did this after previous major weather events like the 1996 East Coast blizzard and Hurricane Katrina.
But even though everyone will know that “snowmageddon,” and not President Obama, is really at fault for the poor report, the headline number may still be shocking enough to sufficiently discredit economic policy of Democrats. And all other economic policy debates, including health care which will be set against this backdrop of the Democrats’ failed stewardship of the economy.
Worsening economic dysfunction, at least when it comes to Main Streeters, sends a powerful message to Americans who believe that Democrats want a “government takeover of 17 percent of the United States economy.”
After all, if you were a Republican hell-bent on derailing health care reform, that's what I'd do.
Friday, February 12, 2010
White House sends out invites for health summit
Associated Press Writer – 6 mins ago
WASHINGTON – In a make or break move, President Barack Obama on Friday challenged three dozen Republicans and Democrats to participate in a one-of-a-kind televised summit this month to thrash out a deal on health care.
House Republicans immediately greeted the invite to the Feb. 25 event with derision, casting doubt on whether it would yield any bipartisan agreement to extend coverage to millions of Americans and rein in medical costs. "We need answers before we know if the White House is more interested in partisan theater than in facilitating a productive dialogue about solutions," said Kevin Smith, a spokesman for House Republican leader John Boehner of Ohio.
But Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., was more receptive, saying he would work with the White House "to maximize the effectiveness of the meeting."
The summit is considered a last, best attempt to revive Obama's yearlong quest, now stalled after Democrats lost their filibuster-proof Senate majority. Yet since Obama proposed the summit last weekend, Republicans and Democrats have voiced skepticism, with some in the GOP wondering if would be nothing but a spectacle that could benefit the president at their expense.
By presiding over a meeting with three dozen lawmakers trying to get a word in edgewise, Obama may be able to dominate the conversation and the visual images. That's what many Democrats say he did at a Jan. 29 session when he faced a roomful of GOP House members in Baltimore, controlling the microphone for much of the event.
The Baltimore event proved riveting for many Americans because it ranged over many topics and included numerous moments of partisan sparring. A half-day televised session on the complexities of health care may prove much less inviting to the average viewer.
In its invitation, the White House argued that remaking health care was imperative, and Obama challenged Democrats and Republicans to come up with comprehensive bills before the Blair House event — legislation that would be posted online.
Citing bills passed in the House and Senate, the White House said "this is the closest our nation has been to resolving this issue in the nearly 100 years that it has been debated. The Blair House meeting is the next step."
White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel and Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius cited the recent 39 percent rate hikes by Anthem Blue Cross in California as urgent proof the overhaul effort must be completed.
"As the president noted this week, if we don't act on comprehensive health insurance reform, this enormous rate hike will be 'just a preview of coming attractions,'" they wrote.
The letter was sent to McConnell, Boehner, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif.
The White House named 21 lawmakers the president wants to attend the Feb. 25 event: the top leaders in the House and Senate and of the committees with jurisdiction over the health legislation. Obama also invited the top four leaders to invite four more lawmakers each, bringing the total to 37 — 20 Democrats and 17 Republicans.
Even prior to the invitation, Rep. Tom Price, R-Ga., a physician and head of the Republican Study Committee, demissed the summit in an op-ed as "simply an attempt by the president to use the White House as a political tool to intimidate his way into a government takeover of health care. The American people and Republicans in Congress will not be taken by this Chicago-style politics."
At the summit, Obama will offer opening remarks, followed by comments from a Republican leader and a Democratic leader, according to the format detailed in Friday's letter. Obama will then moderate a discussion on four topics: insurance reforms, cost containment, expanding coverage and the impact of health legislation on the deficit.
Officials from the White House Office of Management and Budget and the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office and the Joint Committee on Taxation also have been invited.
The letter stands as a challenge not just to Republicans but also to Democrats, who have yet to finalize a deal on sweeping overhaul legislation. They were on the verge of doing so last month before the special election victory of Republican Scott Brown in Massachusetts deprived Democrats of the filibuster-proof supermajority they need to move forward in the Senate.
That threw the whole undertaking into disarray and congressional leaders have been struggling to pick up the pieces. Some hope the summit will break the logjam one way or the other.
In the letter, Obama pressed Democrats to resolve their difference in the disparate House and Senate bills and come up with final legislation before the session. He also asked the Republicans to produce a comprehensive bill.
Democratic leaders are working toward a package that could pass the Senate under controversial and complex rules that require only a simple majority vote, not the 60-vote supermajority they no longer control — a strong-arm partisan approach that infuriates Republicans and makes moderate Democrats uneasy.
Democrats and Republicans are far apart in their approaches. Democrats' legislation would cover more than 30 million uninsured, while a House Republican plan would cover only 3 million. Members of both parties say they see a few areas for common ground, including reforming the medical malpractice system, and finding ways to allow consumers to shop for insurance plans across state lines.
WASHINGTON – In a make or break move, President Barack Obama on Friday challenged three dozen Republicans and Democrats to participate in a one-of-a-kind televised summit this month to thrash out a deal on health care.
House Republicans immediately greeted the invite to the Feb. 25 event with derision, casting doubt on whether it would yield any bipartisan agreement to extend coverage to millions of Americans and rein in medical costs. "We need answers before we know if the White House is more interested in partisan theater than in facilitating a productive dialogue about solutions," said Kevin Smith, a spokesman for House Republican leader John Boehner of Ohio.
But Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., was more receptive, saying he would work with the White House "to maximize the effectiveness of the meeting."
The summit is considered a last, best attempt to revive Obama's yearlong quest, now stalled after Democrats lost their filibuster-proof Senate majority. Yet since Obama proposed the summit last weekend, Republicans and Democrats have voiced skepticism, with some in the GOP wondering if would be nothing but a spectacle that could benefit the president at their expense.
By presiding over a meeting with three dozen lawmakers trying to get a word in edgewise, Obama may be able to dominate the conversation and the visual images. That's what many Democrats say he did at a Jan. 29 session when he faced a roomful of GOP House members in Baltimore, controlling the microphone for much of the event.
The Baltimore event proved riveting for many Americans because it ranged over many topics and included numerous moments of partisan sparring. A half-day televised session on the complexities of health care may prove much less inviting to the average viewer.
In its invitation, the White House argued that remaking health care was imperative, and Obama challenged Democrats and Republicans to come up with comprehensive bills before the Blair House event — legislation that would be posted online.
Citing bills passed in the House and Senate, the White House said "this is the closest our nation has been to resolving this issue in the nearly 100 years that it has been debated. The Blair House meeting is the next step."
White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel and Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius cited the recent 39 percent rate hikes by Anthem Blue Cross in California as urgent proof the overhaul effort must be completed.
"As the president noted this week, if we don't act on comprehensive health insurance reform, this enormous rate hike will be 'just a preview of coming attractions,'" they wrote.
The letter was sent to McConnell, Boehner, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif.
The White House named 21 lawmakers the president wants to attend the Feb. 25 event: the top leaders in the House and Senate and of the committees with jurisdiction over the health legislation. Obama also invited the top four leaders to invite four more lawmakers each, bringing the total to 37 — 20 Democrats and 17 Republicans.
Even prior to the invitation, Rep. Tom Price, R-Ga., a physician and head of the Republican Study Committee, demissed the summit in an op-ed as "simply an attempt by the president to use the White House as a political tool to intimidate his way into a government takeover of health care. The American people and Republicans in Congress will not be taken by this Chicago-style politics."
At the summit, Obama will offer opening remarks, followed by comments from a Republican leader and a Democratic leader, according to the format detailed in Friday's letter. Obama will then moderate a discussion on four topics: insurance reforms, cost containment, expanding coverage and the impact of health legislation on the deficit.
Officials from the White House Office of Management and Budget and the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office and the Joint Committee on Taxation also have been invited.
The letter stands as a challenge not just to Republicans but also to Democrats, who have yet to finalize a deal on sweeping overhaul legislation. They were on the verge of doing so last month before the special election victory of Republican Scott Brown in Massachusetts deprived Democrats of the filibuster-proof supermajority they need to move forward in the Senate.
That threw the whole undertaking into disarray and congressional leaders have been struggling to pick up the pieces. Some hope the summit will break the logjam one way or the other.
In the letter, Obama pressed Democrats to resolve their difference in the disparate House and Senate bills and come up with final legislation before the session. He also asked the Republicans to produce a comprehensive bill.
Democratic leaders are working toward a package that could pass the Senate under controversial and complex rules that require only a simple majority vote, not the 60-vote supermajority they no longer control — a strong-arm partisan approach that infuriates Republicans and makes moderate Democrats uneasy.
Democrats and Republicans are far apart in their approaches. Democrats' legislation would cover more than 30 million uninsured, while a House Republican plan would cover only 3 million. Members of both parties say they see a few areas for common ground, including reforming the medical malpractice system, and finding ways to allow consumers to shop for insurance plans across state lines.
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